120 Project is Israel Policy Forum’s Israeli elections hub. This page includes breakdowns of the parties contesting in the elections, timelines, public opinion polling, analysis, and more. Refer to this site for regular updates on key political developments shaping the race as Israelis prepare to head to the polls.
Use the menu above for navigating to 120 Project’s tools and resources.
Real-time Election Results
Israelis voted at record rates in the 2026 election. This page is being updated with provisional results as they are released by the Central Elections Committee (CEC) along with initial Knesset mandate projections and other analysis.
Want to learn how votes are used to allocate Knesset seats? Read more here.
Interactive Polls
Israel has a vibrant election polling landscape, though inherent methodological challenges and varying quality mean that they are not likely to be totally accurate or free of bias. In a tight election with multiple small parties close to the 3.25% electoral threshold, polling may vary considerably from one pollster to another.
Below is a collection of both aggregate and recent polling data from all major news and TV outlets. Most pollsters divide the electoral landscape into four categories:
- The coalition bloc: Likud, Shas, UTJ, Religious Zionism-Zehut, Otzma Yehudit, and Amcha Israel;
- The opposition bloc: Yashar, Beyachad, Yisrael Beitenu, and The Democrats
- Non-aligned Arab parties: Joint List and Ra’am
- Non-aligned Jewish Parties: Reservists-Economy
Such an arrangement has the effect of understating the size of the opposition, defined purely as any party not in the coalition. However, it reflects the reality that not all parties are politically aligned simply because they all sit in the opposition.
The Latest:
Learn more about the polls and pollsters, click here
Coalition Builder
Channel 11 (Kan)
Israel’s public broadcaster, operating under a public-service mandate with the broadest ideological range among the major TV news channels.
i24 News (Channel 15)
An international news channel broadcasting in English, French, Arabic, and Hebrew. The channel is owned by Patrick Drahi, a French-Israeli media magnate with ties to Netanyahu. i24 has a center-right slant.
Channel 16
Channel 16 is a new Israeli TV channel launched in June 2026 owned by real estate developer Itzik Haddad. Unique among Israeli broadcasters, it touts an AI model that allows viewers to influence the broadcast schedule and focus.
Channel 12 (N12 / Keshet 12)
Israel’s most-watched commercial news network, long accused by Netanyahu and the right of having a center-left bias, though it remains the closest thing to standard, mainstream news.
Zman Yisrael
The Hebrew sister site of the Times of Israel, an online publication with a center-left orientation.
Yisrael Hayom
A free daily right-wing newspaper owned by the Adelson family.
Channel 13 (Reshet 13)
A major commercial news competitor to Channel 12.
Yediot Ahronot (Ynet)
Israel’s historically highest-circulation print newspaper, with its Ynet website serving as one of the country’s most-trafficked news portals; editorially centrist.
Walla
One of Israel’s largest news websites, owned by the Bezeq telecommunications group; a prominent platform for Israeli media research and political coverage, editorially centrist.
Channel 14
A right-wing television channel known for favorable coverage of Netanyahu, often compared to Fox News. Since June 2025, its polls have been managed by Shlomo Filber, who is affiliated with Likud.
Maariv
A veteran Israeli daily that has contracted significantly in reach and influence over the decades but remains a recognizable mainstream brand, now appearing primarily as a digital outlet and a source of weekly election polling.
Israeli Elections Weekly Update:
What Happened?
- The Central Elections Committee certified the results of the October 27 elections on Wednesday, rejecting complaints from the Likud and other coalition parties over alleged voting irregularities in Arab Israeli localities and vote-buying efforts. In the final accounting, 78.0% of Israelis turned out to cast 5,717,397 ballots, the highest rate since 1999.
- Parties visited the President’s residence for televised consultations to make their case for who should be given first chance to form a government. The opposition and Arab parties, representing 67 mandates, recommended Yashar leader Gadi Eisenkot, placing him well ahead of Netanyahu, who received 46 recommendations. United Torah Judaism did not support any candidate, seeking to play a kingmaker role. Herzog is expected to announce his decision on Sunday, most likely giving the mandate to Eisenkot.
- After the new Knesset is sworn in on November 10, the opposition plans to elect a new Knesset speaker and attempt to begin passing laws even without a new government, a complicated effort.
What to watch for:
If tasked with forming a government, Eisenkot will have an initial 28 days to form a government with a possible 14-day extension. That gives him until December 16 to build a coalition. The negotiation process is likely to be long and inconsistent, but these are the pathways—each with distinct advantages and difficult tradeoffs—to watch (see this walk-through for more):
- A unity government. Supported by President Herzog and some Israeli commentators, a government combining most of the mainstream opposition with Likud would create a solid Zionist majority and be able to take decisive consensus action on issues like the Haredi draft and security policy. However, it would require forgoing an October 7 state commission of inquiry, risk losing most of the international benefits of forming a new government given Netanyahu’s continued involvement, and requires trusting Netanyahu after he undermined a similar unity government in 2020.
- A minority government. Minority governments rely on outside support (whether in the form of yes votes or abstention) to reach the 61 seats required to form themselves, then try to pass legislation ad hoc and survive by denying the opposition 61 seats to depose them. There are three flavors under consideration, each with different backers:
- Opposition + later expansion: As articulated by Eisenkot, this option would see a 48-seat minority government formed by the four Jewish opposition parties that would then seek to expand by incorporating any party which accepts its four conditions: recognizing Israel as a Jewish and democratic state; accepting the values of the Declaration of Independence; supporting military civilian, or national service for all; and declaring Hamas a terrorist organization that must be dismantled.
- Opposition + Ra’am: Ra’am is one logical target for incorporation into a minority government, and already agrees on three of Eisenkot’s conditions. Mansour Abbas, its leader, has repeatedly condemned October 7 and terrorist violence but has so far balked at labeling Hamas a terror organization, citing the need to remain a bridge between Jewish and Arab society and fear for his personal safety. A Ra’am-opposition government would hold 56 seats: enough to beat the coalition’s 53 seats in head-to-head votes but reliant on the Joint List for formation and to abstain from key votes.
- Opposition + UTJ: United Torah Judaism is seeking a new patron that will enshrine some form of the draft exemption, and no longer trusts Netanyahu to achieve this. In a stark reversal, Yisrael Beitenu leader Avigdor Liberman has signaled his openness to a coalition with UTJ. However, Haredi conscription is a top issue for opposition voters and allying with UTJ would be a fundamental violation of that base. Partnering with URJ would likely also require giving up control of key Knesset committees like Finance, and UTJ could easily revert back to the Netanyahu bloc if he promises them enough resources.
What Happened?
- 78% of Israelis turned out to vote in Tuesday’s election, a rate not seen since 1999. Arab Israeli turnout surged to 76.6% from just over 53% in 2022, far surpassing expectations and shaking up the electoral map by securing 19 seats. Though the Netanyahu-led coalition lost ground, falling from 68 seats at its peak to 53, it remained ahead of the Jewish opposition parties’ 48 seats. Likud outperformed the polls to win 27 seats by siphoning votes from its coalition partners in the days before the election. Shas saw a historic collapse, becoming the only party to receive fewer votes than in 2022, while some 307,000 votes, 5.4% of the total, were “burned” on parties which did not make it over the 3.25% electoral threshold.
- The indecisive results—with neither bloc having a clear path to a 61-seat majority—spurred a cacophony of calls for various forms of unity government, flavors of an opposition-led minority government relying on Arab (or Haredi) parties that excludes the Likud and far right, or a legislative push from a new Knesset to achieve key priorities without forming a government, then going to new elections. Any option has sharp trade-offs, and members of the mainstream opposition hold a range of views on each.
- Reports that the Shin Bet and Mossad are investigating allegations of foreign funded election interference from multiple countries, largely focused on Arab parties, prompted a brief panic. The Central Elections Committee sharply rejected any claim of broad irregularities in the vote, and later reports indicated the Shin Bet’s investigation is limited in scope and will not impede certification of the election results.
What to watch for:
- We three king(maker)s: There are three factions who both Eisenkot and Netanyahu will want to court: Yisrael Beitenu, United Torah Judaism, and the Arab parties (mostly Ra’am).
- Yisrael Beitenu wants a government without the Haredim or Arabs and a key position like finance or defense minister for its leader, Avigdor Liberman. Despite his longstanding opposition to Netanyahu, Liberman may see an opportunity to enhance his standing by crossing bloc lines.
- UTJ may seek a new patron to prevent conscription of the Haredim, as many sub-factions no longer have faith in the longstanding alliance with Likud. It will seek to offer Eisenkot a path for power in exchange for preserving the benefits and exemption structure for Haredi society.
- The Arab parties are focused primarily on replacing Netanyahu, removing Smotrich and Ben Gvir from power, ending the organized crime and homicide wave in their sector, and securing investment in their chronically underfunded communities. Ra’am will seek to do so from inside a new government, while the Joint List stands ready to provide some level of outside support to prevent an opposition government from falling. Netanyahu, meanwhile, will likely conduct some quiet outreach to see if either party could be bought off to withhold support from an opposition-led government.
- First-mover advantage(?): Party representatives will soon visit the President’s residence to make their case for who should be given the first mandate to try and form a government. In such an uncertain environment, both Eisenkot and Netanyahu may want the other to go first: whoever tries and fails to form a coalition would increase the chance of defections from their bloc. However, giving up the chance to go first risks cementing a loss if the other leader is able to pull together a coalition.
- The new Knesset: The next Knesset is set to be sworn in on November 10, likely well before there is a new government. Opposition leaders have floated plans to replace the Knesset speaker, thereby seizing control of the parliamentary agenda, and passing broad-consensus laws establishing an October 7 state commission of inquiry, prime ministerial term limits, and more, whether or not a government can be formed. Such a situation of effectively split government would be exceptionally rare in Israel.
- ‘Cry Havoc!’: The prospect of a major U.S.-Israel escalation with Iran will rise significantly after the U.S. midterm elections next week. That could change the U.S.’ level of interest in and involvement with coalition negotiations or the calculations of various actors in Israel.
What Happened?
- The penultimate week of the election campaign saw President Trump openly endorse Prime Minister Netanyahu, an unprecedented intervention in Israeli politics that polls showed was unlikely to sway the outcome. Meanwhile, hundreds of thousands of soldiers began to vote on Tuesday at bases and in forward positions using “double-envelope” (effectively absentee) ballots.
- Three smaller parties—Benny Gantz’s Blue and White and the Haredi splinter parties HaKahal and Achi—announced their withdrawal from the race, the latter two due to heavy political pressure from the Netanyahu bloc. Others, like Haredi Public and Amcha Israel, are determined to stay in the race despite direct outreach from Prime Minister Netanyahu and offers of future government roles.
- A polling blackout begins on Friday night, after which no new polls can be conducted or published by law. The polls continue to show a deadlock, with neither the coalition or opposition having a clear path to a 61-seat majority.
What to watch for:
- Further withdrawals and tactical voting: The remaining small parties appear unlikely to withdraw, but may do so under continued heavy pressure. Whatever choices party leaders make, voters may also make last-minute decisions based on whether or not they think a party can cross the 3.25% electoral threshold to avoid wasting their votes. These election day tactical voting decisions aren’t observable via polling and could produce unexpected results.
- Voter turnout: All polls indicate that this will be a high-turnout election by historical standards: projections show as high as 80% turnout among Jewish voters (including tens of thousands flying back to Israel to vote) and over 65% for Arab voters. High turnout has unpredictable effects: it could seal the fates of small parties like Amcha Israel and Reservists-Economy by raising the number of votes required to cross the electoral threshold or reflect new audiences they have brought off the sidelines; high Arab turnout will strengthen Ra’am and the Joint List’s hand but complicates the opposition’s path to a majority and could hasten new elections.
- Security events or other breaking events: A major campaign against Iran now seems to be postponed until after the elections, but events like this morning’s terror attack in Hebron could influence some voters.
What Happened?
- Early voting began at Israeli diplomatic missions abroad on Thursday, with an unusually high 86.7% of roughly 4,800 eligible officials and their family members casting ballots. Almost all other Israelis will vote in person at one of 12,000 polling stations nationwide on election day; an estimated 50,000 citizens living abroad are planning to fly home to vote.
- Tensions rose ahead of the high-stakes election, with far-right activists attacking the headquarters of the Arab Joint List party and far-right party leaders Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben Gvir announcing a plan to send 2,000 activists to Arab polling stations countrywide, widely seen as an intimidation tactic.
- The Netanyahu-led coalition bloc intensified efforts to consolidate right-wing votes with a campaign to pressure small parties like Haredi Public to drop out or drastically reduce their support to minimize “wasted” votes, as with Amcha Israel. Targeted efforts led one Amcha Israel candidate to withdraw, though the party vows it will run until the end. Meanwhile, coalition concerns grew that internal turmoil in the Haredi sector and their deep discontent with the government’s failure to pass a Haredi draft exemption law would depress turnout or lead to protest votes for splinter parties.
- Today marked the deadline for signing voter surplus agreements, which allow paired party lists to “pool” their votes for the last stage of seat allocation and potentially secure an extra seat The only parties without such an agreement are Otzma Yehudit, Amcha Israel, and Reservists-Economy, all of whom refused to sign with the other.
What to watch for:
- Both Eisenkot and Netanyahu have shifted to running “large party” campaigns, meaning they seek to open up a gap between themselves and other parties in their respective blocs to solidify their leadership position and increase their chance of receiving the first post-election mandate to try and form a government. This has frustrated opposition partners and led to accusations that Eisenkot is planning for a unity government with Netanyahu.
- By law, polls cannot be conducted or published within 5 days of the election. The muddy polling picture persists, with roughly equal coalition and opposition blocs, a strengthening Arab non-aligned bloc, and small parties Reservists-Economy and Amcha Israel sitting dangerously close to the 3.25% electoral threshold. Voter turnout, how undecideds break, and any late-stage surprise could shift the balance, but all signs point to an indecisive election whose outcome will be determined by the fevered politics of the coalition-formation process.
What Happened?
- Balad party leader Sami Abu Shehadeh withdrew his Knesset candidacy after the Supreme Court indicated it would uphold the Central Election Committee’s decision to disqualify him on the basis of an October 8, 2023 op-ed supportive of the October 7 terror attack, with complex implications for the Joint List slate and Arab turnout. The Court struck down the Central Election Committee’s decisions to ban the Ra’am and Joint List parties, as well as Hadash candidate Ofer Cassif.
- In the shadow of the third anniversary of October 7 and new statements from Netanyahu’s then-military secretary Avi Gil about the premier’s attempts to alter records and timelines from the day and after, 62% of Israelis say that October 7 will be central or fairly central to their vote in the elections.
- Likud and the AID Coalition NGO ended their dispute over the organization’s efforts to assist some 50,000 Israelis who plan to fly back to Israel to vote, most of whom are thought to be opposition voters. Meanwhile, IDF Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir warned that renewed fighting with Iran, which the U.S. is reportedly preparing for, would likely delay the elections.
What to watch for:
- Polling dynamics: Polls show a complicated deadlock, with most pollsters displaying the results in four categories: the coalition, the mainstream opposition, the Arab parties, and the Reservists-Economy party. Most fluctuation is the result of sampling noise, judgments pollsters make about undecided voters and turnout, and whether or not Amcha Israel and Reservists-Economy, who both poll right around the 3.25% electoral threshold, will enter the Knesset. See our small parties tracker here for a more detailed look.
What happened:
- A Central Elections Committee panel voted to disqualify the Joint List and Ra’am parties, as well as individual MKs Sami Abu Shehadeh, the leader of the Balad party, and Ofer Cassif of Hadash. The panel later rejected disqualification requests aimed at both the far-right Otzma Yehudit and the left-leaning The Democrats. Such votes are largely political theater, given that the panel’s composition is based on the current Knesset and the coalition thereby has a built-in majority, and most of the disqualifications are widely expected to be struck down by the Supreme Court.
- Abu Shehadeh’s case, however, is different: both the Attorney General and the Supreme Court Justice involved in the vote supported his removal, based largely on an op-ed he wrote on October 8, 2023 which critics argued expressed support for October 7. If the Court upholds the ruling, Abu Shehadeh would be the fourth ever and first Arab candidate to be disqualified: three Otzma Yehudit MKs were disqualified across two elections in 2019.
What to watch for:
- Party and candidate disqualifications: If Abu Shehadeh is disqualified, there will be spiraling consequences for the fragile composition of the Joint List, affecting the balance between parties, seat rotation agreements, and fund-sharing pacts. There could also be unpredictable consequences for Arab turnout: a spike due to anger or a drop due to disillusionment. The party disqualifications, though near certain to be overturned by the Supreme Court, would be far more consequential.
- Chaotic polls: Polls show a hung election and close competition between Netanyahu and Eisenkot on prime ministerial suitability. A notable feature of this election is the fragmentation of the electoral landscape: the largest parties in each bloc, Yashar and Likud, are small by historical standards. The election will be decided by details like voter turnout, the fate of parties hovering around the electoral threshold, and the undecided vote.
What happened:
- With candidate slates finalized, parties began to campaign in earnest, including in highly covered mock elections at high schools across Israel. The news cycle was dominated by uproar over the controversial film “NAZA,” which debuted at the Venice Film Festival last week and makes sweeping accusations regarding Israeli targeting policy in Gaza. The coalition bloc also renewed its campaign against the small right-wing Amcha Israel party. Opposition leaders remained cagey over whether they would seek to include the Islamist Ra’am party in a future coalition, with de facto opposition leader Gadi Eisenkot denying he had promised Arab municipal leaders he would do so at a recent event.
- Several parties submitted requests to the Central Election Committee to disqualify other parties and candidates, with Likud and Otzma Yehudit targeting the Joint List and Ra’am while Otzma Yehudit and the Democrats traded petitions to ban the other. Few of the complaints are expected to result in bans, which would need to be approved by the Supreme Court, though Balad, the most hard-line faction of the Joint List, has come close in the past.
- Polls show a hung election, with roughly equal coalition and opposition blocs and high variance depending on whether or not the small Reservist-Economy and Amcha Israel parties pass the 3.25% electoral threshold. Higher voter turnout, especially from the Arab sector, would increase the number of votes needed to enter the Knesset and could push small parties under the threshold. The Supreme Court upheld a ban on parties tracking who has voted on election day, a method that several parties, particularly the Haredi factions, had used to increase turnout among their bases.
What to watch for:
- Polling volatility: A great deal is concealed in published polls, including the share of undecided voters, decisions about demographic weighting, and oftentimes the raw percentages themselves. With current trends, the election will be decided by two factors: how undecided voters break and whether or not Reservists-Economy and Amcha Israel pass or fall below the threshold. See IPF’s small parties tracker to see the percentage support for small parties and the undecided, who are often estimated at 10% of the electorate.
- Coalition-formation dynamics: With the elections headed towards an indecisive result, government formation becomes much more complicated. Scenarios under exploration include a minority Eisenkot-led government which includes Ra’am and relies on the Joint List to prevent it from being toppled; a grand left-right coalition excluding the Haredi parties and Otzma Yehudit; a short-lived opposition government that moves for renewed elections with a new interim prime minister; and fresh elections. Most political leaders will avoid committing to any one option before seeing the final election results.
What happened:
- 38 parties will contest the October elections, following a frenzied process of internal shifts and mergers prior to the September 8 registration deadline. An upheaval in United Torah Judaism saw three long-time candidates replaced at the last second, a breakaway faction emerged among the Hasidic representatives, and a new faction leader, Yaakov Asher, installed. Netanyahu, meanwhile, selected his nine “armored” candidates in Likud and pushed them lower on the list after failing to entice any major outside figures to join the party.
- On the small-party front: Yoaz Hendel’s Reservists party merged with Yaron Zelekha’s Economy party after his political partner Chili Tropper joined Gadi Eisenkot’s Yashar!. Both the new Reservists-Economy party and Ofer Winter’s Amcha Israel party remain just at or under the electoral threshold. Other consequential small parties include four Haredi splinter parties from both the moderate and hardline parts of the sector, Benny Gantz’s Blue and White, and the anti-LGBT Noam party.
- The four main opposition bloc parties signed surplus vote agreements, pairing Yashar! with The Democrats and Together with Israel Beitenu. The Joint List and Ra’am announced their intention to sign an agreement and Likud and Religious Zionist-Zehut reportedly plan to sign one as well, leaving Otzma Yehudit stuck with an uncertain agreement with Amcha Israel. Surplus vote agreements affect how the last few Knesset seats are allotted, and are intended to strengthen each pair of party’s chances of receiving an additional seat.
What to watch for:
- Polling: Most fluctuation in the polls over the coming weeks will come from Reservists-Economy and Amcha Israel either succeeding or failing to clear the electoral threshold. That, the strength of the smaller parties, and the share of undecided voters are as relevant to understanding the state of the race as the actual polls.
- Right-religious bloc dynamics: Will the right-religious bloc attempt to bring Winter on board, or attack him to ensure he fails to clear the threshold and wastes as few votes as possible? How will UTJ and Shas handle the various Haredi splinter parties?
- The wild card: Reservists-Economy sit somewhere between the blocs – how will the coalition and opposition attempt to bring them to their side?
What the polls are saying:
See our interactive polling tracker for more.
What happened:
Parties and electoral blocs alike scrambled to consolidate their positions prior to the September 8 party and candidate list submission deadline. Smotrich’s Religious Zionist party formed a technical bloc with the libertarian Zehut party to help it clear the 3.25% electoral threshold, while Ofer Winter and his new Amcha Israel party rejected merger proposals despite flirting with the threshold. Negotiations among the soft-right “Third Bloc” parties appeared to stall and Gilad Erdan’s struggling Unity party withdrew from the race, firebrand Likud MK Tally Gotliv made a managed transition to the second spot on Itamar Ben Gvir’s Otzma Yehudit list, and several senior Yesh Atid MKs exited the race in the face of the party’s limited viable seats after merging with Naftali Bennett to form Together. In the Arab sector, Mansour Abbas and former Yesh Atid MK Yoav Segalovitz formally announced their joint run, and the fourth-ranking member Joint List withdrew amid pressure over previous reports of sexual assault. Among the Haredim, new formations from both the liberal and hardline wings of the community threaten Shas and UTJ’s traditional dominance, while UTJ itself undergoes a massive but largely opaque internal power struggle.
What to watch for:
- Mergers and technical blocs: Between 5-10% of the vote currently sits with parties flirting with or under the threshold, mostly in the “Third Bloc” (Blue & White, Unity, and Zionist Home) or with Amcha Israel on the far right. Other important but less-polled parties in search of a home include the anti-LGBTQ Noam, the Economy Party, new moderate Haredi parties Haredi Public and HaKahal, and the Jewish-Arab Makom Lekulanu. How these parties merge with each other or with existing parties, decide to exit the race, or opt to run to the end will have significant impacts on the election.
- Movement within and between parties: Over the next week, Yashar!, Together, Israel Beitenu, Otzma Yehudit, Shas, and UTJ will all announce their lists for the first time, while Netanyahu will make final decisions about the remaining “armored” spots on the Likud list. Expect plenty of last-minute surprises, including more MKs moving between parties. Watch the power struggle inside UTJ both over the allocation between Haredi factions and regarding specific veteran MKs, as well as any use of spots in Yashar! and Likud to consolidate their respective blocs: Yashar! with the Zionist Home party or other “Third Bloc” members and Likud with Amcha Israel.
- Track small-party and undecided voters here.
What the polls are saying:
See our interactive polling tracker for more.
What happened:
A lower-turnout Likud primary largely cemented Prime Minister Netanyahu’s control of the party and pushed many sitting ministers and MKs off the list, though several of his internal opponents managed to grab low but viable spots. Arab parties Hadash, Ta’al, and Balad pushed past last week’s dispute to re-establish the Joint List, Shas papered over a deep dispute between political leader Arye Deri and spiritual leader Rabbi Yitzhak Yosef and launched its election campaign, and Ofer Winter prepared to launch a new right-wing party that could form a serious threat to the Netanyahu coalition.
What to watch for:
- Netanyahu’s five remaining directly selected spots on the Likud list: Will he will use them to shore up the list’s poor gender balance, save a current Likud politician who did poorly in the primary, bring in high-profile outsiders, or hand them to other parties in the bloc to cement mergers?
- The “third bloc” parties and Ofer Winter: Who will seek to merge with coalition or opposition parties, coalesce the “third bloc” parties into a unified entity which will easily cross the 3.25% electoral threshold, or serve as a spoiler for one bloc or another? How will Netanyahu try to incorporate Winter into the right-religious bloc?
- Ra’am’s party conference on Saturday and the status of negotiations to bring Jewish politician Yoav Segalovitz onto the list.
What the polls are saying:
See our interactive polling tracker for more.
What happened:
Tripartite Joint List negotiations collapsed over objections by Ahmad Tibi’s Ta’al to the distribution of seats, while Mansour Abbas’ Ra’am and Yoav Segalovitz held an initial meeting planning out a potentially historic joint run. Likud primary unrest continued as Netanyahu successfully won more reserved spots for himself and all legal appeals to allow current representatives to run in district seats failed, placing further pressure on the party list and leading some MKs to begin to jump ship.
What to watch for:
- Current MKs transferring between parties ahead of the September 9 deadline to lock candidate lists;
- Shifting allegiances and party shakeups in the Haredi sector;
- Small “Third Bloc” right-wing parties and their decisions about whether or not to merge, drop out, or run to the end;
- Who comes out on top in the hotly contested Likud primaries.
What the polls are saying:
See our interactive polling tracker for more.
What Happened?
The right-wing space got more crowded as Yoaz Hendel and Chili Tropper’s Zionist Home-The Reservists and Likud exiles Gilad Erdan and Yuli Edelstein’s unnamed party launched their campaigns, while former IDF general Ofer Winter remained poised to enter the race. Primary drama continued in Likud after the party’s central court struck down a controversial proposal to open up district seats to current representatives, and rumors spread that internal elections would be delayed a third time to August 30.
What to watch for:
- Tripartite Arab party negotiations to reform the Joint List;
- Attempts to consolidate the new right-wing parties to save Smotrich’s Religious Zionist Party;
- Drama in the Haredi sector: Shas’ polling woes and an insurgent “working Haredi” party;
- The burgeoning partnership between Mansour Abbas’ Ra’am and ex-Yesh Atid MK Yoav Segalovitch.
What Happened?
- The Religious Zionist Party held limited internal elections on July 26 that doubled down on its existing Knesset representation but raised concerns about broader appeal to the Religious Zionist public;
- Likud central committee members approved a proposal to allow party leader Benjamin Netanyahu to directly select eight candidates in high-ranking positions on the Likud list, but a separate proposal to change district-based candidacies was approved only narrowly and is now facing legal challenges;
- Ra’am announced it would hold internal elections on August 22, the first time they will take place without involvement of the Southern Islamic Movement after Ra’am broke ties with the Islamist group in December 2025;
- Rumors swirled on the right about a new political party, while merger machinations began to try and lift the struggling Religious Zionist Party above the electoral threshold.
What to watch for:
- For now, parties are focused internally. Party lists will fill in further in the coming weeks, both through Likud and Ra’am’s internal elections and the direct selection process of many other parties.
- Next comes consolidation of the blocs. Expect to see negotiations between Hadash, Balad, and Ta’al to structure the Joint List heat up, while the current coalition will continue to brainstorm merger ideas to keep the Religious Zionist Party above the threshold.
What Happened?
2026 Election Blocs Explained
Israel has a multiparty system in which coalition governments are formed through negotiations among factions representing diverse ideological and religious constituencies. The following profiles provide an overview of the principal political parties and electoral blocs competing in the 2026 elections. They represent parties and blocs that currently hold seats in the Knesset or have emerged as significant players in the upcoming election, including some new parties led by prominent and influential political figures. Each profile examines party leaders, ideologies, priorities, and core constituencies.
Click on each electoral group to learn more:
The Religious Zionist and Nationalist parties represent different strands of Israel’s nationalist right, broadly united by opposition to Palestinian statehood, support for expanding Jewish settlement in the West Bank, and an assertive approach to national security. These parties draw primarily from right-wing religious Zionist and nationalist Jewish voters, particularly settlers and other voters who prioritize Israeli sovereignty in the West Bank, Jewish national identity, and a more assertive approach to security.
Religious Zionism:
Party leader: Bezalel Smotrich
Bezalel Smotrich, Israel’s finance minister since 2022, has been a leading advocate for expanding Israeli settlements and extending Israeli sovereignty over the West Bank. Smotrich has also exercised authority over aspects of civilian administration in the West Bank, advancing changes to the territory’s governance, expanding settlement construction, and using his authority as finance minister to influence financial relations with the Palestinian Authority. Smotrich is a polarizing figure known for anti-Arab and homophobic rhetoric and embrace of Jewish supremacy.
Ideology and key issues: Religious Zionism combines religious Zionist ideology with support for Israeli sovereignty in the West Bank and a greater role for Jewish law and values in public life. Smotrich presses to apply Israeli sovereignty to the West Bank, expanding settlements, and preventing the establishment of a Palestinian state. The party supports maintaining an assertive approach to Israel’s regional security threats, strengthening Israel’s Jewish identity, and continuing changes to the judiciary and legal system. Smotrich has also emphasized free market reforms to address the cost of living. The party supports the gradual expansion of Haredi military service but opposes coercive measures towards mass enlistment.
Constituency: Religious Zionism primarily draws support from religious Zionist voters affiliated with the national-religious and settlement movements. Its base includes ideologically conservative Orthodox voters, residents of West Bank settlements, and voters who prioritize Jewish religious identity, settlement expansion, and Israeli sovereignty over the West Bank.
Zehut:
Party leader: Moshe Feiglin
Ideology and key issues: Zehut combines nationalist and pro-annexation positions with libertarian positions on economic and individual freedom issues. Moshe Feiglin, running jointly with Religious Zionism, advocates for applying Israeli sovereignty throughout the West Bank and Gaza and rejects Palestinian statehood. The party supports the pursuit of “peace through victory” rather than territorial concessions, enhancing Israel’s Jewish identity, reducing the size and regulatory role of government, and advancing free market economic policies. Although Feiglin is Orthodox and comes from a religious Zionist background, the party is not explicitly religious.
Constituency: Zehut attracts libertarian and economically conservative voters, including secular and religious Israelis who place individual liberty, free market policies, and the reduction of the state’s role in economic affairs high on their political priority list.
Otzma Yehudit:
Party leader: Itamar Ben Gvir
Itamar Ben Gvir is a longtime far-right activist who served as an attorney for Jewish terrorism suspects before entering the Knesset in 2021. He has held the role of Israel’s national security minister since 2022, in which capacity he has sought to expand police powers and tighten prison conditions for Palestinian prisoners. He has also advocated for expanding Jewish prayer on the Temple Mount and supported legislation introducing the death penalty for certain terrorism offenses.
Ideology and key issues: Otzma Yehudit pushes Jewish nationalism, territorial maximalism, and a hardline approach to internal security and Palestinian terrorism. It is the ideological successor to the banned Kach Party and has carried on Meir Kahane’s Jewish supremacism and racist attitude toward Arabs. Itamar Ben Gvir’s policies support Israeli military control over Gaza, encouraging Palestinian emigration from the Strip, and encouraging renewed Jewish settlement there. Otzma Yehudit emphasizes the expansion of Israeli sovereignty and settlement to the West Bank and adopts a more aggressive approach to countering Palestinian terrorism. Ben Gvir also seeks to strengthen police powers and internal security and advocates for greater Jewish national identity in the public sphere.
Constituency: Otzma Yehudit draws primarily from national religious and right wing nationalist voters, including residents of West Bank settlements and younger, more hardline voters who prioritize more hawkish stances toward the Palestinians and, in some cases, toward Israeli Arabs.
Amcha Yisrael:
Party leader: Ofer Winter
Ideology and key issues: Amcha Yisrael, led by former IDF general Ofer Winter, focuses on national security, Jewish identity, and socially conservative values. The new party seeks to restore deterrence and adopt a more decisive national-security doctrine following October 7. Winter advocates for strengthening Jewish and Zionist identity, military service for the Haredim, judicial reform, and holding the government accountable for the failures on October 7. The party hopes to offer a new alternative for right-wing voters dissatisfied with the existing political establishment. Winter opposes the establishment of a Palestinian state and calls for voluntary emigration of Palestinians from Gaza.
Constituency: The newly established Amcha Yisrael is vying to establish an electoral base composed of right wing and national religious voters who prioritize security and national identity, while also appealing to secular and religious Israelis through its emphasis on military service, national unity, and institutional reform.
Yashar, Beyachad, and Yisrael Beytenu are opposition parties that span the political center to the secular right. Although they differ on ideological and policy questions, they all strongly align on issues related to national security, greater military and national service among Haredi Israelis, and opposition to another Netanyahu-led government. The bloc draws from a broad and overlapping constituency of centrist, center-right, secular, and moderate right-wing Jewish Israelis, particularly voters seeking an alternative to Netanyahu without necessarily identifying with the Israeli left.
Yashar:
Party leader: Gadi Eisenkot
Gadi Eisenkot, who served as IDF chief of staff from 2015 to 2019, entered politics in 2022 as a member of the National Unity party. After October 7, Eisenkot joined Israel’s emergency government and served as an observer in its war cabinet until resigning in June 2024 due to serious disagreements with Prime Minister Netanyahu over the conduct and direction of the war. He established Yashar! in 2025, positioning the party as a center-right alternative to the governing coalition focused on national security, government accountability, and restoring public trust in Israel’s political institutions.
Ideology and key issues: Yashar! occupies the political center and is a strong proponent for national security, institutional competence, and Israel’s character as a Jewish and democratic state. Gadi Eisenkot favors a security first approach centered on eliminating Hamas’s remaining military capabilities and preventing Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon while maintaining close strategic coordination with the United States. On the Palestinian issue, he opposes Palestinian statehood for the foreseeable future but also opposes policies that could lead to the collapse of the Palestinian Authority or Israeli rule over millions of Palestinians, arguing that Israel should preserve its Jewish and democratic character and maintain IDF security control between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea. Eisenkot also supports broader Haredi military service and a state commission of inquiry into the failures surrounding October 7.
Constituency: Yashar! appeals particularly to security-oriented and centrist voters, including those who seek an alternative to Israel’s established political parties. Eisenkot’s Moroccan heritage and roots in working-class neighborhoods in Tiberias and Eilat may help the party make inroads with Mizrahi voters who may have otherwise supported Likud or Shas.
Beyachad:
Party leader: Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid
Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid previously served as prime ministers in Israel’s 2021-2022 coalition government. Bennett, a former tech entrepreneur turned leader of the religious Zionist Jewish Home party, served as prime minister from 2021 to 2022 and has held several ministerial positions, including defense and education minister. Lapid, a former journalist and TV host who founded the centrist Yesh Atid party in 2012, served as foreign minister under Bennet before succeeding him as prime minister in 2022.
Ideology and key issues: Beyachad brings together Naftali Bennett’s center-right, national-liberal politics with Yair Lapid’s liberal and secular centrism, giving the alliance a politically diverse constituency stretching from the center to the moderate right. The party pushes for an assertive regional security strategy, including maintaining Israel’s position along the Yellow Line and freedom of military action in Gaza until Hamas is disarmed, preventing a renewed Iranian nuclear threat, and pursuing deeper regional integration and normalization with Saudi Arabia. Bennett and Lapid have both called for designating Qatar an enemy state, although they differ over Turkey, with Bennett advocating removing both Qatar and Turkey from a role in Gaza while Lapid has called for reducing tensions with Ankara. On the Palestinian issue, Bennett opposes Palestinian statehood and supports Israeli security control and legal settlement construction in Area C while opposing illegal outposts and settler violence.
Constituency: Beyachad combines Lapid’s predominantly secular and liberal/center base with Bennett’s appeal among moderate right-wing and some religious Zionist voters.
Yisrael Beytenu:
Party leader: Avigdor Liberman
Avigdor Liberman, who founded Yisrael Beytenu in 1999 after breaking with Netanyahu, has previously served as Israel’s defense, foreign, and finance minister.
Ideology and key issues: Yisrael Beytenu sits further to the right on security and territorial issues while maintaining strongly secular positions on religion and state. Avigdor Liberman advocates for replacing Israel’s previous policies of containment and limited military campaigns with a more offensive security doctrine aimed at achieving decisive outcomes on each front. He has called for regime change in Iran, described Turkey, Qatar, and Syria as growing strategic threats, and argued that Israel must be less dependent on U.S. decisions about when and how it uses military force. Domestically, Yisrael Beytenu advocates for universal military service, reducing Haredi political influence, and greater separation of religion and state. The party historically supported a variation of the two-state solution that would include territorial and population exchanges to give Israel a stronger Jewish majority and transfer Arab citizens of Israel to a Palestinian state. Since October 7, however, Liberman has proposed other ideas, including transferring responsibility for Gaza to Egypt and parts of the West Bank to the Jordanian control.
Constituency: Yisrael Beytenu draws support from secular right-wing voters, including Russian-speaking Israelis, and appeals to voters who favor a more secular approach to issues such as civil marriage or Haredi conscription.
Party leader: Yair Golan
Yair Golan, a former IDF deputy chief of staff from 2014 to 2017, served as an MK in the Meretz party and as deputy economy minister in the Bennett-Lapid government. On October 7, Golan helped to rescue civilians from communities near the Gaza border. In 2024, he was elected leader of the Labor Party and spearheaded its merger with Meretz, forming the Democrats party to consolidate Israel’s Zionist left.
Ideology: The Democrats are a Zionist, liberal, center-left party formed through the merger of the Labor and Meretz parties in 2024. The party seeks to preserve Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, strengthen democratic institutions and the rule of law, advance social and economic equality, and pursue diplomatic initiatives alongside a strong national security policy. It also supports greater separation of religion and state and expanded civil and individual rights for all citizens.
Key issues: The Democrats prioritize strengthening democratic institutions and reversing changes made by the Netanyahu government that they argue have weakened the judiciary and other checks on government power. The party emphasizes universal military and national service, including Haredi conscription, and seeks to address the high cost of living and strengthen public services. The party supports maintaining Israel’s ability to defend itself while pursuing diplomatic arrangements to improve Israel’s long- term security, opposing annexation of the West Bank, curbing settler violence, and preserving the possibility of future Israeli-Palestinian separation. The Democrats also support a state commission of inquiry into the failures surrounding October 7 and advocate for civil marriage, limited public transportation on Shabbat, and greater religious pluralism.
Constituency: The Democrats draw primarily from secular, liberal, and center-left Jewish Israelis, including the traditional constituencies of Labor and Meretz. The party has particular appeal among voters who prioritize liberal social policies, greater separation of religion and state, and a diplomatic approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Both Yair Golan’s military background and the party’s focus on security broaden the party’s appeal beyond the traditional Israeli left.
Party leader: Benjamin Netanyahu
Benjamin Netanyahu has led Likud for most of the period since 1993. He served as Prime Minister from 1996 to 1999, 2009 to 2021, and 2022 to the present. Netanyahu’s political agenda has focused on Israeli security, countering Iran, and military campaigns following October 7. Since returning to power in 2022, his government has pursued controversial judicial reforms aimed at limiting the judiciary’s authority. Netanyahu faces ongoing corruption charges across three different legal cases involving fraud, breach of trust, and bribery.
Ideology: Likud is a right-wing party rooted in Revisionist Zionist values. Likud strives to maintain Israel as a Jewish state, ensure the Jewish people’s right to and settlement throughout the Land of Israel, and a hawkish approach to national security. While the party has also historically supported principles such as the rule of law, individual liberty, and civil rights, Likud has moved away from some of these positions in recent years, particularly regarding the balance of power between elected officials and the independence of judiciary institutions.
Likud has historically served as the principal party of Israel’s political right and the main alternative to the Labor-led political establishment. Its 1977 victory under Menachem Begin ended nearly three decades of Labor dominance and established Likud as one of Israel’s dominant governing parties.
In recent decades, Likud has become increasingly centered on a nationalist and security-focused political agenda while retaining a broadly free-market orientation to economic policy. The party has also become more closely allied with, if not dependent on, religious and socially conservative parties under Benjamin Netanyahu’s premiership. This alignment has been especially pronounced since Netanyahu returned to power in 2022 at the head of a coalition comprising Likud, the Haredi Shas and United Torah Judaism parties, and the far-right Religious Zionism, Otzma Yehudit, and Noam parties.
Key issues: Likud’s 2026 campaign is centered on national security and preserving Israel’s post-October 7 security gains. In Gaza, the party supports maintaining Israeli freedom of military action against emerging threats and conditioning further withdrawal from the Yellow Line on Hamas’s disarmament and the Strip’s demilitarization. Likud also opposes the establishment of a Palestinian state and supports continued Israeli security control in the West Bank. Netanyahu and Likud have also opposed transferring postwar control of Gaza to the Palestinian Authority.
Domestically, key issues include Haredi military conscription, a challenge for Likud to navigate given that its dependence on its Haredi coalition partners requires the party to balance its coalition partners’ demands to preserve broad exemptions and growing public support for expanding Haredi enlistment. Additional issues include changes to the balance of power between the judiciary and elected government and the structure of an October 7 inquiry.
Constituency: Likud draws support from a broad cross section of Israel’s Jewish population but has historically performed particularly strongly among Mizrahi and Sephardi Jews, traditional and religious voters, working and middle class voters, and residents of peripheral cities and communities. Its electoral base also includes substantial support among voters who prioritize national security and take more hawkish positions on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
There are two major Haredi parties in the Israeli political system, which represent approximately 15% of the Israeli electorate. Both Shas, which represents Sephardim and Mizrahim, and United Torah Judaism (UTJ), which represents Ashkenazim, focus primarily on protecting the religious, social, and economic interests of Israel’s ultra-Orthodox communities and preserving the role of Jewish religious law and tradition in public Israeli life.
Shas:
Party leader: Aryeh Deri
Longtime leader of Shas and former interior minister Aryeh Deri has been a central figure in Israeli politics since the 1980s. Deri has represented Sephardi and Mizrahi Haredi communities through efforts to secure government funding for Haredi education programs and to preserve the role of Jewish religious law in public life. Deri was appointed vice prime minister, interior minister, and health minister in 2022, but was dismissed from his cabinet positions in January 2023 following a Supreme Court ruling that he was ineligible to serve as a minister due to existing criminal convictions and the terms of his plea agreement.
Ideology and key issues: Shas is a Sephardi Haredi party that combines traditionalist religious politics with an emphasis on its constituency’s socioeconomic interests. The party prioritizes the preservation of the role of Jewish religious law and tradition in public life, maintaining state support for Haredi schools, and protecting welfare and associated social benefits to Haredi families. Shas seeks to correct what it considers decades of systemic economic and social discrimination against Sephardim and Mizrahim. The party was initially non-Zionist but joined the World Zionist Organization, the umbrella organization of the Zionist movement, in 2010. Shas has sat in government with both left-wing and right-wing parties but has gotten more conservative and hawkish in recent years. The issue of Haredi military exemptions is a central issue, with Shas leadership opposing compulsory IDF service for yeshiva students and seeking legislation to exempt these students from military service.
Constituency: Shas supporters are primarily Sephardi and Mizrahi Haredim, although the party has historically maintained a broader appeal among national religious and traditional Sephardi and Mizrahi Israelis.
United Torah Judaism (UTJ):
Party leader:Yaakov Asher
Yaakov Asher is a longtime member of Degel HaTorah, the Lithuanian Haredi faction of UTJ. In September 2026, he succeeded longtime UTJ leader Moshe Gafni ahead of the election. Asher previously chaired the Knesset’s Interior and Environmental Protection Committee and has been a prominent advocate for Haredi interests, particularly preserving military service exemptions for yeshiva students. He also represented UTJ on the Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, where he participated in negotiations over Haredi conscription legislation.
Ideology and key issues: UTJ is an alliance between two Ashkenazi Haredi factions: Agudat Yisrael and Degel HaTorah. Agudat Yisrael primarily represents Hasidic communities and Degel HaTorah represents the non-Hasidic Lithuanian Haredi community. Like Shas, UTJ prioritizes Haredi military exemptions, funding and autonomy for Haredi education, welfare and housing, and preserving the religious status quo on issues including Shabbat and other matters of religion and state. As a non-Zionist party, it rejects both the state’s secular framing as well as any notion of modern Israel playing a role in the messianic redemption.
Constituency: UTJ’s base is overwhelmingly Ashkenazi Haredi, with the Agudat Yisrael faction representing the Hasidic communities and Degel HaTorah representing the non-Hasidic Lithuanian Haredim.
Israel’s four Arab majority parties – Ta’al, Balad, Hadash, and Ra’am – represent Arab citizens of Israel, who comprise roughly 21% of Israel’s population. In the 2026 election cycle, Ta’al, Balad, and Hadash are running together as the Joint List, while Ra’am is running separately, giving Arab voters two principal electoral options that represent distinct approaches to engagement with governing coalitions led by Jewish parties.
Joint List:
Party leader: Yousef Jabareen (Hadash)
Yousef Jabareen was elected leader of Hadash in May 2026, succeeding Ayman Odeh. A legal scholar and former Knesset member from 2015 to 2021, Jabareen seeks civil equality for Arab citizens of Israel and advocates for a negotiated resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Ideology and key issues: The Joint List brings together three parties with distinct ideological traditions:
- Hadash, a socialist Arab-Jewish party;
- Ta’al, a secular Arab party that supports civic equality and Palestinian statehood; and
- Balad, which promotes Palestinian national identity and advocates transforming Israel from a Jewish state into a “state of all its citizens.”
The Joint List has not yet released a comprehensive platform for the October 2026 election. Nonetheless, its constituent parties have prioritized political and socioeconomic equality for Arab citizens of Israel, combating crime and violence in Arab communities, opposition to the war in Gaza and the expansion of settlements in the West Bank, and support for Palestinian self-determination. The three parties in the Joint List continue to maintain distinct positions on several issues, including the specific contours of a future Israeli-Palestinian political settlement.
Constituency: The Joint List primarily seeks to consolidate Arab-Israeli voters while remaining independent of major Jewish led political blocs. Hadash has historically attracted secular and left-wing Arab voters as well as a small Jewish left-wing constituency; Ta’al has a broader Arab nationalist base; and Balad appeals particularly to voters who prioritize Palestinian national identity.
Ra’am:
Party leader: Mansour Abbas
Mansour Abbas has led the Ra’am party since 2018, and in 2021, led the Islamist party into the Bennett-Lapid governing coalition as the first independent Arab party to join an Israeli governing coalition. Abbas has adopted a pragmatic approach to political cooperation with Jewish parties to secure greater gains for Arab communities in Israel.
Ideology and key issues: Ra’am historically functioned as the political wing of the Southern Branch of the Islamic Movement but formally broke with the organization in July 2026 to become an independent party. Like the Joint List, Ra’am seeks to combat organized crime and violence in Arab communities, increase government investment in Arab towns and neighborhoods, address housing disparities, and advance political and civil equality for Arab citizens. Ra’am also supports Palestinian self-determination and the establishment of a Palestinian state.
In the 2026 election, the key distinguishing characteristic of Ra’am is its openness to joining governing coalitions. Ra’am became the first independent Arab party to join an Israeli governing coalition when it entered the Bennett-Lapid coalition in 2021. In August 2026, Ra’am placed former Yesh Atid lawmaker Yoav Segalovich, a Jewish Zionist and former senior police official, second on its electoral list, marking the first time a Jewish candidate has occupied such a prominent position on a Ra’am slate. The move reflects party leader Mansour Abbas’s effort to broaden Ra’am’s appeal and legitimacy as a potential coalition partner while promoting Jewish-Arab political cooperation and practical issues, such as combating rising violence in Arab communities. Abbas has also acknowledged the Jewish character of the State of Israel as a political reality, arguing that Ra’am is concerned not with the state’s identity but the status and equality of its Arab citizens.
Constituency: Ra’am draws much of its support from Muslim, religious, and socially conservative Arab voters and has been particularly strong among Bedouin communities in the Negev.
Israel’s Political Parties
Likudהליכוד
Leader: Benjamin Netanyahu
Seats in the outgoing Knesset: 32 (36 including New Hope)
Ideology: Right-wing, nationalism
Likud remains the largest party in the Knesset and the anchor of the right-wing governing coalition. Since returning to power following the 2022 elections, Netanyahu has governed with Otzma Yehudit, Religious Zionism, Shas, and UTJ. In March 2025, Gideon Sa’ar formally merged his New Hope/United Right faction back into Likud—a remarkable reversal for a politician who had left in 2020 declaring that the party had become a vehicle for Netanyahu’s personal interests. Likud is currently projected at around 25–27 seats in most polls, down from 32 in 2022. The past four years saw the party’s support decline in response to the controversial judicial overhaul promoted by Justice Minister Yariv Levin, the fallout from October 7, and the volatile security environment. The party has faced internal pressures over Netanyahu’s resistance to a state commission of inquiry into the October 7 failures and his reluctance to pass a comprehensive Haredi draft law, though his close relationship with Donald Trump has traditionally served as a source of strength. As with previous cycles, the election is in large part a referendum on Netanyahu personally, with coalition formation contingent on whether the combined right-wing bloc can again reach 61 seats.
Beyachad (Together)ביחד
Constituent factions: Bennett 2026 - בנט 2026, Yesh Atid - יש עתיד
Leader: Naftali Bennett
Seats in the outgoing Knesset: 24 (Yesh Atid)
Ideology: Centrism, separation of religion and state, security-focused Zionism
Beyachad (Together) is a joint list uniting former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett’s newly registered “Bennett 2026” party with former Prime Minister and Opposition Leader Yair Lapid’s Yesh Atid, announced in April 2026 under Bennett’s leadership. The merger came after polls had shown Yesh Atid weakening significantly while Bennett’s party had been running close to Likud, making the consolidation a strategic necessity for Lapid and an opportunity for Bennett to cement his position as the leading alternative to Netanyahu.
Bennett registered his new party earlier in 2026 and emphasized a platform centered on Zionist unity, safeguarding democratic institutions, and equitable sharing of the burden of military service. Despite initial excitement around the merger, Gadi Eisenkot’s Yashar has overtaken Beyachad as the largest opposition party and Eisenkot has become the leading challenger for the premiership. Beyachad now sits at 12-13 seats in the polls and is projected to be the third-largest party in the next Knesset.
Bennett rose to prominence in Israeli politics as a religious right-winger associated with the settlement movement. He previously served as the head of the Yesha Council and then as chair of the Bayit Yehudi (Jewish Home) party associated with the religious Zionist community. However, throughout the 2020s, he has sought to moderate his image to appeal to mainstream Israeli voters. In 2021, he cemented his defection from the pro-Netanyahu camp to lead the Change Government alongside Yair Lapid, serving as prime minister from June 2021 until the coalition’s collapse in July 2021. The alliance’s undoing was largely driven by defections from within Bennett’s own Yamina party, made up of ideological right-wingers chafing at Bennett’s centrist tack. Even before its merger with Yesh Atid, the make-up of Bennett’s new party cements this shift, including figures associated with Israel’s liberal mainstream such as Keren Terner and Liran Avisar Ben Horin—women who served as directors-general of government ministries—and Yonatan Shalev, a 23-year-old activist who advocates for Haredi enlistment.
Yasharישר
Leader: Gadi Eisenkot
Seats in the outgoing Knesset: 0 (new party)
Ideology: Centrism, security-focused Zionism
Yashar (meaning “straight” or “upright”) was founded in September 2025 by Gadi Eisenkot, the former IDF Chief of Staff who had served as second-in-command in Benny Gantz’s National Unity party before resigning from both the party and the Knesset in mid-2025. Eisenkot departed National Unity after criticizing Gantz’s method of choosing candidates and following a broader sense that the centrist space required new leadership. The party’s founding members include Yoav Horowitz, former director-general of the Prime Minister’s Office, former minister Matan Kahana, and several retired senior military and public figures.
Eisenkot, along with Gantz, had participated in Netanyahu’s war cabinet in the early phase of the Gaza war, lent considerable legitimacy to the government’s handling of the conflict, and then quit in June 2024—sharply criticizing Netanyahu’s lack of a strategic exit plan. That background lends Eisenkot credibility on security issues and distinguishes his profile from those of purely political figures. Eisenkot’s star has risen steadily: Yashar regularly matches or exceeds Likud in polls and Eisenkot consistently bests Netanyahu on the question of prime ministerial suitability, making him the foremost challenger to Netanyahu.
Otzma Yehuditעוצמה יהודית
Leader: Itamar Ben Gvir
Seats in the outgoing Knesset: 6
Ideology: Kahanism, far-right, ultranationalism
Otzma Yehudit is the ideological heir to Rabbi Meir Kahane’s extremist Kach party, which was banned due to incitement to racism. As the party’s leader Itamar Ben Gvir has succeeded in bringing this once-fringe movement into the Israeli mainstream, starting with his entry into the Knesset in 2021. The November 2022 elections saw his support grow, during which he ran on a joint electoral list with Bezalel Smotrich’s Religious Zionism. Ben Gvir and his party entered the current government, where he has served as minister of national security since 2022 (with a brief two-month gap in early 2025) and has used the role to expand the political echelon’s involvement in police operations and introduce harsher conditions into Israeli prisons. His key legislative achievement was the passage of a bill to institute the death penalty for Palestinian terror convicts. The party has been polling strongly at around 8–9 seats, capitalizing on Israeli society’s rightward shift in the wake of October 7. Smotrich and Ben Gvir are running separately in 2026, with Otzma Yehudit now the stronger of the two parties—a significant marker of just how far the Kahanist fringe has moved into the Israeli mainstream since Ben Gvir first entered the Knesset.
Shasש״ס
Leader: Aryeh Deri
Seats in the outgoing Knesset: 11
Ideology: Haredi Judaism, social conservatism
Shas remains one of the most stable elements of Netanyahu’s coalition, representing Sephardi and Mizrahi Haredi voters as well as a segment of traditional but non-Haredi Mizrahim. Aryeh Deri has been an influential figure within the party since its founding in 1984 and has led it for several decades. After his removal from the Knesset in 1999 under a plea bargain for tax offenses, Deri eventually returned to lead the party in 2012. Though barred from serving as a minister by the High Court following another criminal conviction in 2021, Deri has continued to serve as one of Netanyahu’s most trusted confidants, privy to the most sensitive political and security deliberations. Shas is typically projected at around 9–11 seats and remains a key coalition partner for Netanyahu on issues like religious exemptions and funding for Haredi institutions. As with United Torah Judaism (its Ashkenazi counterpart), over the past year the Haredi draft issue has put unprecedented strain on Shas’ partnership with Likud, with its ministers having quit the government in July 2025. Nonetheless, partnership with Netanyahu remains the most reliable strategy for Shas to maintain its political influence and advance its agenda, making its defection from the Netanyahu camp improbable. Unlike UTJ, its voters include non-Haredi, traditional, right-wing Mizrahi voters, many of whom are from the periphery, meaning that Shas more directly competes for votes with Likud and Otzma Yehudit. The party’s political decisions are ultimately subject to the authority of its Council of Torah Sages, a body of senior Sephardi rabbinical figures whose rulings shape Shas’ ideological positions.
The Democratsהדמוקרטים
Constituent factions: Labor - העבודה, Meretz - מרצ
Leader: Yair Golan
Seats in the outgoing Knesset: 4
Ideology: Social democracy, liberal Zionism
The Democrats is a merger of the Israeli Labor Party and Meretz, formally announced in July 2024 under the leadership of newly elected Labor chairman Yair Golan, a former IDF deputy chief of staff and former Meretz MK. The merger fulfilled a long-standing demand from the center-left to consolidate the Zionist left under a single banner after years of fragmentation—most painfully illustrated by Meretz’s failure to cross the electoral threshold in 2022, which robbed the anti-Netanyahu bloc of several seats.
The Democrats now serves as the single party representing the Zionist left in Israel. The party is staunchly liberal on social issues, including separation of religion and state. In the post-October 7 era, it is also the only Jewish-majority party on the left of the political map to speak openly about Israeli-Palestinian issues, including the need to halt annexation and advance territorial separation from the Palestinians. Golan openly supports a two-state outcome to the conflict.
The formal merger of the Labor and Meretz factions was ratified at a party conference in Tel Aviv in May 2026, with an overwhelming majority approving the arrangement, which guarantees Meretz representation at the 6th, 8th, and 14th spots on the joint list. Recent polls have placed the Democrats at around 8–11 seats, suggesting the merger has reinvigorated the Zionist left in spite of Israeli society’s rightward shift in the wake of October 7.
Yisrael Beitenuישראל ביתנו
Leader: Avigdor Liberman
Seats in the outgoing Knesset: 6
Ideology: Nationalism, secularism, center-right
Yisrael Beitenu remains a fixture of the center-right secular space, representing Russian-speaking Israelis and hawkish secularists who are hostile to Haredi political power. Liberman continues to champion his longstanding positions: military conscription for Haredim, separation of religion and state, support for democratic institutions and the separation of powers, and firm opposition to Benjamin Netanyahu. The party is expected to win around 8–9 seats and sits within the anti-Netanyahu opposition bloc, though Liberman has always been willing to work across coalitions when it suits his interests. His consistent attacks on Haredi draft exemptions have made him a useful ally for other secular opposition parties, though his willingness to sit with Arab parties remains a variable worth watching as coalition talks take shape after the election.
Joint Listהרשימה המשותפת
Constituent factions: Hadash - חד״ש, Ta'al - תע״ל, Balad - בל״ד
Leader: Youssef Jabarin (head of Hadash)
Seats in the outgoing Knesset: 5 (Hadash-Ta'al)
Ideology: Non-Zionism, Israeli Arab communal interests, socialism (Hadash)
The Joint List brings together three Arab-majority parties with distinct ideological traditions: Hadash, a socialist Arab-Jewish party; Ta’al, a secular Arab party that supports civic equality and Palestinian statehood; and Balad, a hardline Palestinian nationalist party. The three parties prioritize political and socioeconomic equality for Arab citizens of Israel, combating crime and violence in Arab communities, opposition to the war in Gaza and the expansion of settlements in the West Bank, and support for Palestinian self-determination.
The Joint List primarily seeks to consolidate Arab Israeli voters but does not participate in coalition governments on principle, though its anti-Zionist positions make it an unpalatable coalition partner to all Jewish Israeli parties. The alliance is current polling at 8-9 seats, and leader Yousef Jabareen (Hadash) has indicated that it is willing to provide outside support to any non-Netanyahu government by preventing it from falling, though the Joint List would not participate in the coalition or otherwise vote with it.
Balad party leader Sami Abu Shehadeh withdrew his candidacy after the Supreme Court indicated it was likely to disqualify him based on an opinion article published the day after the October 7 attack which appeared to praise it.
Ra'amרע״ם
Leader: Mansour Abbas
Seats in the outgoing Knesset: 5
Ideology: Israeli Arab communal interests, Islamism
Ra’am (United Arab List – הרשימה הערבית המאוחדת) is an Arab Israeli party associated with the southern branch of the Islamic Movement. After its historic entry into the Bennett-Lapid coalition in 2021, the party returned to the opposition following the coalition’s collapse and the return of Netanyahu in 2022. Mansour Abbas, its leader, has distinguished himself from other Arab party leaders by explicitly recognizing Israel as Jewish state and seeking political partnership with his Jewish counterparts. The party’s political decisions have formally been subject to the Shura Council, a roughly 32-member body elected by the broader Southern Islamic Movement assembly, which holds authority over Ra’am and the movement as a whole. But in December 2025, Abbas announced that Ra’am would separate from the Shura Council and establish its own independent institutions, declaring that the party was moving toward becoming “a completely civil party.” In another major shift, Abbas declared earlier this year his intention for Ra’am to include Jewish candidates. He eventually added former Yesh Atid MK and high-ranking police officer Yoav Segalovitz, who gained popularity among the Arab community for his effective fight against organized crime and the homicide wave in Arab society during the Bennett-Lapid government, as the second spot on Ra’am’s list.
Ra’am is projected to win 5-6 seats in most polls and has tried to position itself as a viable coalition partner for an Eisenkot-led opposition government, though most of the Jewish opposition parties have either ruled out or stayed quiet about the possibility of working with Ra’am.
Religious Zionism-Zehutהציונות הדתית וזהות
Constituent factions: Religious Zionism - הציונות הדתית, Zehut - זהות
Leader: Bezalel Smotrich
Seats in the outgoing Knesset: 8 (Religious Zionism)
Ideology: Far-right, Religious Zionism, ultranationalism
Bezalel Smotrich’s Religious Zionism party has been a central pillar of the current government, with Smotrich serving as finance minister and minister within the defense ministry. His tenure as finance minister has been highly consequential and controversial: tax and construction reforms have caused economic friction in agricultural regions that traditionally vote Likud, creating intra-coalition tension. While his political popularity has waned over the current government’s term, Smotrich was incredibly effective in advancing his ideological goal of expanding and deepening Israel’s control over the West Bank. As an influential minister, Smotrich oversaw the transformation of Israel’s control in the West Bank through the rapid expansion of settlement approvals and illegal outposts, bureaucratic steps to erode distinctions with sovereign Israel, moves to financially strangle the Palestinian Authority.
Despite these political accomplishments, Smotrich’s technocratic brand of hard-right nationalism failed to alleviate his base’s frustration over allowing the Haredi draft exemption to persist and perceived neglect of Israel’s periphery communities. The resulting drop in support left Religious Zionism hovering around or below the electoral threshold before a merger with the right-wing libertarian Zehut party led by Moshe Feiglin. The Religious Zionism-Zehut alliance now hovers between 5-7 seats, and may be at risk of falling under the electoral threshold in a high-turnout election.
Amcha Israelעמך ישראל
Leader: Ofer Winter
Seats in the outgoing Knesset: 0 (new party)
Ideology: Right-wing nationalism, security-focused Zionism, hawkish on Palestinian issue
The new party Amcha Yisrael, led by former IDF general Ofer Winter, focuses on national security, Jewish identity, and socially conservative values. Winter advocates for strengthening Jewish and Zionist identity, military service for the Haredim, judicial reform, and holding the government accountable for the failures on October 7. The party hopes to offer a new alternative for right-wing voters dissatisfied with the existing political establishment. Winter opposes the establishment of a Palestinian state and calls for voluntary emigration of Palestinians from Gaza. Notably, prominent Arab-Israeli activist Yoseph Haddad is in the second spot on the Amcha Israel list.
Amcha Israel remains at or below the electoral threshold in most polls, and has been subject to a campaign by the Netanyahu bloc, who worry it will “burn” right-wing votes, to withdraw from the race. Winter has rejected all such entreaties and has vowed to campaign until the end.
Reservists-Economyהמילואימניקים והכלכלית
Constituent Factions: The Reservists, New Economic Party
Leader: Yoaz Hendel
Seats in the outgoing Knesset: 0 (new party)
Ideology: Center-right, nationalism, separation of religion and state
The Reservists-Economy party is a joint run between political nomad Yoaz Hendel’s Reservists Party and Professor Yaron Zelekha’s economic reform-focused New Economic party. The centrist alliance is focused on reform of the state and economy, implementing the Haredi draft, and reducing the burden on IDF reservists. The party also refuses to sit with non-Zionist parties, whether Arab or Haredi, and advocates for a grand unity government uniting the Zionist left and right.
Though Reservists-Economy has strengthened slightly in the polls, its support remains right at the electoral threshold, leaving its fate on election day unclear.
United Torah Judaismיהדות התורה
Constituent factions: Agudat Yisrael אגודת ישראל, Degel HaTorah דגל התורה, Chomat Torah Israel חומת תורת ישראל
Leader: Yaakov Asher
Seats in the outgoing Knesset: 7
Ideology: Haredi Judaism, social conservatism
United Torah Judaism (UTJ) is a longstanding alliance generally between two Ashkenazi Haredi factions: Agudat Yisrael and Degel HaTorah, though a splinter faction from Agudat Israel, Chomat Torah Israel, has emerged in the current election. Agudat Yisrael primarily represents Hasidic communities and Degel HaTorah represents the non-Hasidic Lithuanian Haredi community. Like Shas, UTJ prioritizes Haredi military exemptions, funding and autonomy for Haredi education, welfare and housing, and preserving the religious status quo on issues including Shabbat and other matters of religion and state. As a non-Zionist party, it rejects both the state’s secular framing as well as any notion of modern Israel playing a role in the messianic redemption.
UTJ faces internal and external challenges this election cycle, with at least four small Haredi splinter parties threatening to siphon off votes and an ongoing power struggle within both Degel HaTorah and Agudat Yisrael, the latter of which led to the Chomat Torah Israel faction splitting off while remaining in the UTJ alliance. UTJ also remains internally riven over whether or not to stick with Netanyahu, who did not deliver the promised Haredi draft exemption law, or to attempt to play kingmaker in an alternative coalition.
The Elections Timeline
The Path to the New Knesset
Timeline of Events Since Last Election
The 25th Knesset: Key Milestones (2022-2026)
The Knesset passes the first reading of a bill to establish a politically appointed commission—rather than an independent, Supreme-Court-overseen state commission of inquiry—to investigate October 7 government failures, 59-0, as the opposition boycotts the vote.
The government tells the High Court it will not comply with its ruling restoring the Council of the Second Authority (the commercial broadcasting regulator) to operation—the first time an Israeli government has declared it won’t respect a High Court ruling.
The government approves a plan to establish 13 new West Bank settlements.
The High Court rules unanimously that the Knesset’s June 3 election of Michael Rabello as state comptroller is invalid because MKs violated the secret-ballot requirement, and orders a new vote.
The Knesset passes the first reading of Basic Law: Torah Study, 63-53, advancing the measure meant to shield Haredi draft evaders from sanctions toward its final two votes.
Israel and Lebanon sign a U.S.-brokered agreement to end the conflict between the two countries, with Israeli withdrawal from southern Lebanon conditioned on Hezbollah’s disarmament.
The Civil Administration approves 576 new West Bank settlement housing units and a $337 million package to develop 61 outposts; the military establishes a permanent post in the Jenin refugee camp, its first standing presence in Area A since Oslo.
The U.S. and Iran sign a memorandum of understanding extending their ceasefire for 60 more days, with a mid-August deadline for further technical talks.
The Knesset passes Basic Law: Torah Study in a preliminary reading, 56-43. Four coalition MKs vote against, including Edelstein and Illouz of Likud.
A one-day escalation between Israel and Iran: Hezbollah rockets trigger an IDF strike on a Hezbollah command center in Dahiyeh; Iran responds with over 20 ballistic missiles targeting Israel. Both sides announce a halt to exchanges, with conditions.
Getting Started: How Do Israeli Elections Work?
The Knesset is Israel’s parliament. It is a unicameral (single-body) legislature with 120 seats. The Knesset’s primary function is to pass laws, including a budget that determines how funds are allocated across government bodies.
The 120 members of the Knesset (MKs) are elected at least every four years (see: How do early elections happen?). There are no term limits.
Before election day, every party creates a ranked list of its candidates through different methods ranging from competitive primaries to the party leader unilaterally determining the rankings, with the party’s leader ranked as #1. When Israelis go to the polls, they cast votes for a single party—not for individual candidates. The party’s number of Knesset seats is determined by the proportion of the national vote it receives.
For example: Party Aleph receives 20% of the national vote. That means it gets 20% of the Knesset’s 120 seats: 24. The top 24 candidates on Party Aleph’s list enter the Knesset. If, for some reason, during the Knesset’s term, one of Party Aleph’s Knesset members resigns, the next candidate on the list replaces him.
There are no legislative districts or geographic representation in the Knesset. Every Israeli voting in Knesset elections has the same ballot with the same party options. All 120 members of Knesset represent the entire country.
In order for a party to enter the Knesset, it must win at least 3.25% of the national vote, which is equivalent to four seats. Parties that fall below this electoral threshold do not make it into the Knesset, and their votes are thrown out. This mechanism incentivizes smaller parties to merge or to be absorbed into larger parties in order to ensure they surpass 3.25% of the vote.
The outgoing (25th) Knesset has 13 parties, although this number fluctuates every election cycle. The Israeli political arena regularly sees parties emerge, merge, and split. The upcoming October 27 elections will have at least four new major parties contesting for seats in the Knesset, and others may yet enter the scene before party lists are finalized in September. There are many more small parties that run in elections yet do not receive enough support to enter the Knesset.
Because Israel is a parliamentary system, leadership of the executive branch (referred to colloquially as “the government”) is determined by the legislature. The prime minister and ministers are typically also elected to the Knesset, though elected MKs who are subsequently appointed as ministers can, and often do, resign their Knesset seat to be replaced by another member of their party. Hypothetically, if a party has an outright majority of 61 or more MKs, that party’s leader immediately has enough support to swear in a government with him or her as prime minister—although that has never happened in Israeli history. Instead, a party leader typically must form an alliance with other parties, known as a coalition, to get the support of at least 61 MKs.
After the elections, Israel’s president (see: What does Israel’s president do?) holds consultations with each of the parties to determine who they intend to support for prime minister. After determining which party leader has the greatest chance of forming a coalition government, the president bestows that leader with a 28-day mandate to do so, with a possible 14-day extension. The party leader who receives the mandate is not necessarily the leader of the biggest party, but rather the one who has the most support in the Knesset.
The coalition-building process consists of negotiations between the prime minister-designate and other parties. To generate support for his or her government, the PM-designate will agree to advance these other parties’ policy priorities while also allocating them positions of power, such as cabinet roles and chairmanships of Knesset committees. Once this process has concluded, the Knesset holds a vote to confirm the government, after which the prime minister and the new cabinet are sworn in. If the PM-designate fails to form a government, the president may pass the mandate onto another party leader; if no one succeeds, then the Knesset dissolves and the country heads to elections once more. The outgoing prime minister and government (which had been in power prior to the elections) continue serving in a caretaker capacity.
It is also possible to form a minority government with a coalition of fewer than 61 MKs, provided that it has support from the outside to achieve a minority in key votes, such as budgets.
Israel’s president is elected by the Knesset to serve a single seven-year term. The role is largely ceremonial, intended to serve as a figurehead of the state itself who fosters unity and transcends partisanship. The president is most politically relevant in the immediate aftermath of elections, when he or she is responsible for holding consultations with the parties and bestowing the mandate to form a government—a decision traditionally based in the arithmetic of who has the most support, but made at the president’s discretion. Israel’s president can also grant criminal pardons and commute sentences. All other functions of the presidency, such as signing legislation and receiving the credentials of foreign diplomats, are purely symbolic.
The government serves at the behest of the Knesset, and if it loses support of a majority of MKs, it becomes exceedingly difficult to continue ruling. In such cases, the prime minister may opt to unilaterally dissolve the Knesset and trigger early elections, especially if he or she believes an election will strengthen his or her political standing.
There are also several mechanisms for the opposition to forcefully topple a government:
- Failure to pass a budget: Every year, the Knesset must vote on a state budget, and if the vote does not pass by a certain deadline, elections are automatically triggered.
- Bill to dissolve the Knesset: The opposition can advance a bill to dissolve the Knesset and trigger elections, which (like all standard legislation) must pass three Knesset votes by a simple majority. If it fails, however, another dissolution bill may not be advanced for another six months.
- Constructive vote of no confidence: If another member of Knesset is able to garner the support of at least 61 MKs to form an alternative government, they can advance a vote to oust the current government and swear in a new one simultaneously, with a new prime minister and cabinet. This procedure does not involve elections or extend the lifespan of the Knesset, which remains subject to elections every four years.
Analysis
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Stakes have rarely been higher for an Israeli election. The next governing coalition will face fundamental decisions on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its relationship with the United States that are likely to alter Israel’s long-term trajectory. What could different potential governing coalitions mean for Israeli policy—and how much room will the next government have to change course?
Join Israel Policy Forum Chief Policy Officer Michael Koplow and RAND Distinguished Israel Policy Chair Shira Efron for a discussion of the policy implications of Israel’s election, moderated by Israel Policy Forum Washington Managing Director and Senior Policy Analyst Rachel Brandenburg.
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