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February 2026

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On February 8, 2026, the Israeli security cabinet approved a series of measures that substantially increase Israel’s authority in the West Bank and ease Israeli acquisition of property in the territory.

With the current government now in the final year of its term, these decisions cap off more than three years of policies that have eroded the legal and practical distinctions between Israel and the West Bank, accelerating the slide toward full Israeli sovereignty of the territory. As stated by Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and Defense Minister Yisrael Katz, the objective is to “bury the idea of a Palestinian state.”

Though not the first Israeli government to support annexing parts of the West Bank, this current government has been far more strategic in how it aims to do so, carrying out what has amounted to a revolution in how Israel relates to the territory. Rather than outright declarations of sovereignty, since its term began this government has eroded legal distinctions, eased settlement construction approvals, granted recognition to dozens of settlements and retroactively legalized illegal outposts, funneled money to illegal outposts, and bolstered transportation infrastructure that serves settler communities, all while increasing the financial strain facing the Palestinian Authority. The aim is to make the territory increasingly function as part of Israel and entrench a political status quo that prioritizes Israeli rights and aspirations over those of Palestinians.  

The February 8 Security Cabinet Decisions 

These security cabinet decisions accelerate Israel’s bid to deepen its control over the West Bank. They fall under three primary buckets:

Easing Israeli Property Ownership in the West Bank

  1. Repealing the legal restriction on West Bank land sales to Israelis

When Israel occupied the West Bank in 1967, much of the preexisting legal framework, including Jordanian law, remained in force unless amended or superseded, consistent with the standard legal framework governing belligerent occupation. One such Jordanian law restricted land sales to non-residents/foreign nationals absent official approval.

In 1971, the military government created a legal workaround: instead of Israelis purchasing West Bank land as individuals, Israeli-registered companies could be authorized to acquire and hold property under a military-administered approval process. This gave the government a controlled pathway for land acquisition while preserving discretion to restrict sales in line with policy or security considerations.

Now, the security cabinet has directed IDF Central Command (which exercises governing authority in the West Bank through military orders) to repeal this Jordanian-era restriction. The effect is that Israelis can now directly purchase land in the West Bank from Palestinians with far fewer guardrails from the security or political establishment.

  1. Declassifying land-ownership registries in the West Bank

The security cabinet has ordered West Bank land registries to be opened for public review, enabling prospective Israeli buyers and settler groups to identify specific parcels and their registered owners. Until now, the Civil Administration kept these records classified, citing concerns including fraud prevention, protection of absentee property, and the safety of Palestinians involved in land transactions. By making ownership information more accessible, the change is likely to ease efforts to pursue land acquisition and settlement expansion, while increasing the risk of intimidation or retaliation against Palestinian landowners.

  1. Removing license requirement to purchase West Bank land

The security cabinet has abolished the transaction-permit requirement for land purchases in the West Bank. The permit process had served as a screening and approval mechanism, intended both to detect forged claims and to ensure that sensitive acquisitions did not proceed without political and security oversight.

  1. Renewal of government land purchases

The security cabinet has reestablished a government mechanism for acquiring land in the West Bank through the Custodian of Government Property, a body within the Civil Administration that oversees state land. A team established by the Settlements Administration, controlled by Smotrich in his capacity as minister in the Defense Ministry, will operationalize this mechanism to enable large-scale state land acquisitions, including from private Palestinian owners, in order to facilitate settlement growth.

Increasing Israeli Construction Enforcement in PA Areas 

The security cabinet has directed the Civil Administration to carry out certain construction enforcement responsibilities in Areas A and B. These are Palestinian areas of the West Bank under the civil jurisdiction of the Palestinian Authority, per the Oslo agreements signed by Israel in the 1990s. According to this decision, the Civil Administration will be able to demolish Palestinian construction in these areas that threatens archaeological sites or poses environmental hazards— a standard broad enough that it could be used to justify wide-ranging demolitions. The Civil Administration already enforces Palestinian construction in Area C, which is home to over 200,000 Palestinians and includes areas immediately adjacent to built-up Palestinian communities in Areas A and B. 

Increasing Israeli Control Over Sensitive West Bank Holy Sites 

  1. Hebron

 Hebron, the largest city in the West Bank, is divided between zones of PA control (H1, 80%) and IDF control (H2, 20%). Yet the population of the Israeli-controlled side is still majority Palestinian, with the 1997 Hebron Protocol signed by Israel delegating construction and planning throughout the entire city to the PA’s Hebron Municipality. Until now, construction related to Israeli settlements in H2, including at the Tomb of the Patriarchs, generally required approval by both the Civil Administration and the municipality. The security cabinet decision has now removed the municipality’s oversight, easing future settlement construction.

  1. Bethlehem

Located within the Palestinian city of Bethlehem, Rachel’s Tomb and the access road leading to it are surrounded by walls and only accessible to Israeli traffic from Jerusalem. The security cabinet has now established a separate municipal authority to channel funds for developing the site and the adjacent yeshiva. 

Implications

The West Bank is characterized by fragmented layers of control. While Israel has ruled the territory since 1967, it never directly annexed the area into the state (aside from East Jerusalem, which is not discussed here). Instead, it has ruled by means of a military administration, with the IDF serving as the de facto sovereign and Israeli civil and criminal law extended to settlements by means of temporary regulations renewed by the Knesset every five years. 

While seemingly technical and bureaucratic in nature, the February 8 policy decisions carry broad implications for West Bank governance and stability, in line with Smotrich’s vision of entrenching permanent Israeli control over the territory. 

By removing longstanding guardrails on Israeli acquisition of West Bank property—including oversight mechanisms intended to prevent fraud and restrict politically sensitive transactions—the security cabinet has created conditions that could accelerate settlement expansion and increase pressure on Palestinian landowners. At the same time, the shift of planning, enforcement, and land-management tools into the hands of newly empowered settlement-focused bodies further blurs the line between temporary military administration and de facto annexation, embedding policy changes that may prove difficult to reverse. The assumption of construction enforcement responsibilities in Areas A and B directly contravenes the Oslo framework and further erodes the Palestinian Authority’s ability to govern, weakening its legitimacy and increasing the risk of unrest, vigilantism, and institutional collapse. Such an outcome would raise Israel’s financial and security burden in the West Bank and further diminish prospects for territorial separation. These steps are a notable step forward for the government’s systematic effort to reshape the West Bank’s legal and administrative regime.

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